By Thimios Zaharopoulos

Zaharopoulos is Professor and chair of the Department of Mass Media, Washburn University

There is no doubt that television plays a role in the socialization of young people. It serves as a main source of information, and since most people tend to watch television for a number of hours each day, television has evolved into an important transmitter of cultural information as well.

As is suggested by the cultivation hypothesis, television "is a medium of the socialization of most people into standardized roles and behaviors. Its function is, in a word, acculturation" (Gerbner & Gross, 1976, p. 175).

The purpose of this study is to examine whether television and other media play a role in how Greek adolescents perceive the traditional societal role of men and women. The approaches used here are social construction of reality and cultivation.

Generally, television in the United States has been found to cultivate a traditional outlook of the role of women in society. For example, Morgan and Rothschild (1983) found that heavy viewers of television are more likely to endorse "a traditional division of labor" between the sexes (p. 44).

Nevertheless, Kang and Morgan (1988) found that the opposite was true for females in Korea. Korean college women who were heavy viewers of US television programs were found to be moving away from traditional values.

In the United States, Gerbner and others have found a "mainstreaming effect" or the homogenization of beliefs in the direction of television content. They believe that television "is an agency of the established order and, as such, serves primarily to maintain, stabilize, and reinforce „ not subvert „ conventional values, beliefs and behaviors" (Gerbner et al., 1979, p. 180).

Cultivation theory generally assumes that "light viewers tend to be exposed to more varied and diverse information sources, while heavy viewers, by definition, tend to rely more on TV" (Signorielli & Morgan, 1990, p. 17). But in other societies, where there has not been as great a need to attract huge audiences as in the United States, television content may not be as homogenized.

In Greece, for example, there is a diversity of programming, not only in genres, but also in terms of the nation of origin. A Greek viewer has the opportunity to watch Greek, US, British, French and even Brazilian television programs.

In Greece, up until the late 1980s, when there were only two (public) television channels, they averaged between 38 and 48 percent in imported programming, most of which came from the United States. The introduction of private television in 1989 revolutionized the market. Initially, imports from the United States were the main source of programming for the new private stations, sometimes making up over 50 percent of their total programming (Zaharopoulos & Paraschos, 1993). Soon, however, major Greek stations increased their local production and the share of foreign programming per major station decreased.

The cultivation hypothesis states that the more television people watch, the more likely they are to hold a view of reality that is closer to televisionÍs depiction of reality. This is characterized by the work of George Gerbner and his colleagues (Gerbner & Gross, 1976; Gerbner et al., 1977). Their work starts with the cultural indicators project, which first looks at the content of television programming, particularly in terms of violence, and then relates it to the perceptions of heavy versus light viewers of television about violence in society (Gerbner et al., 1978).

Nevertheless, cultivation, according to Morgan (1990), is highly culture specific. "The symbolic environment of any culture reveals social and institutional dynamics, and because it expresses social patterns it also cultivates them" (p. 226). When this approach is used to study US television overseas, cultivation predictions cannot be as certain (see Wober, 1978). For example, in an Australian study of over 1000 students, Pingree and Hawkins (1981) unexpectedly found that watching violent US television programs was more related to perceptions of reality in Australia than about the reality of violence in the United States (p. 103). On the other hand, a study in Israel (Weimann, 1984), found that high school and college students who were heavy viewers of US television had more of an idealized image of life in the United States than light viewers of same programs.

Even on the specific question of traditional sex roles, Morgan (1990) states that results from a variety of nations point to heavy viewers holding more sexist views of the role of women, although this relationship is not exactly the same across all the nations studied.

Many international cultivation studies have looked at specific television programs, not simply total hours of viewing. This was in response to criticism of cultivation research (see Potter, 1993), because it traditionally looked at total viewing, not at specific programs or genres, which Potter (1990) sees as stronger predictors of cultivation. Another important issue in this type of research is the perceived realism of television programs, which Potter (1986) found to be an intervening variable.

A further refinement of traditional cultivation research is the consideration of the respondentsÍ motivation to watch. For example, Stilling (1994) found that motivation and exposure to certain genres was a better predictor of TVÍs acculturation effect than simply amount of viewing. Similarly, Perse (1986,) in examining soap opera viewing and its cultivation effect, found that perceived realism of soaps was a contributor to cultivation, as was the reason viewers watched soaps.

Nevertheless, Gerbner et al. (1979) believe that "heavy television viewers perceive social reality differently from light TV viewers even when other factors are held constant" (p. 193). And this social reality is influenced by the amount of television viewing. In a 1980 study, for example, they found that among young people, heavy TV viewers tended to perceive older people in more unfavorable and negative terms (Gerbner et al., 1980).

At the same time, Potter (1986) believes that even though some cultivation of beliefs may take place, it is a complex process in which amount of television viewing is not as important as attitudes and perceptions of those exposed to television.

Given the above, this study aims to test the following hypotheses:

1. Generally, heavy viewers of television hold a more traditional view of sex roles in Greek society than light viewers.

2. As was found in Korea, heavy viewers of US television programs will tend to hold a less traditional view of sex roles in Greek society.

3. Perceived realism of television programs is a significant predictor of holding a more traditional view of sex roles in Greek society.

4. The reason one watches television is a significant predictor of holding a more traditional view of sex roles in Greek society.

5. Viewers of certain programs, such as soap operas, telenovelas, or Greek social drama series, which to tend portray greater distinctions in sex roles, hold a less traditional view of sex roles in Greek society.

Method

Two Greek senior high schools, were chosen for this research, and the questionnaire was given to all students present on the day of the survey. One school was in a middle class section of Athens, and another at a more rural area, in the town of Amaliada, which has a population of about 17,000 in southwestern Greece. These schools were chosen because they represent the urban/rural dichotomy of Greece, because they represent Greek lower-middle to middle class, without extreme socioeconomic characteristics, and because access to these schools was much easier, in terms of cooperating teachers and principals.

A survey questionnaire was designed first in English, using questions similar to ones used in similar studies around the world, such as Kang and Morgan (1988), Morgan and Rothschild (1983). It included Likert-type statements on sex roles, as well as some open-ended questions on their television viewing behavior. This questionnaire was initially translated in the United States, back-translated, and was later proofread and polished by professional proofreaders in Greece. Following approval of the proposed research by the Greek Ministry of Education and its Pedagogical Institute, which examined the questionnaire, the instrument was administered at the two schools. One teacher at each school was trained to talk to other teachers and train them so they could administer the survey in their classes during the same day.

Results

Of the 508 usable surveys, 255 came from Amaliada, and 253 from Athens. Males make up 40.9% of the sample (208), and females make up 58.5% (297); three did not respond. The Greek senior high school is made up of three grades, and students were equally divided between the three: 170 from the tenth, 168 from the eleventh, and 170 from the twelfth grade. The students' ages ranged from 15 to 19 years old.

Television Consumption

On average, students watch three hours of television each day, including weekends, although they watch more on weekends than on weekdays. A Pearson correlation reveals that more total television viewing (in minutes) is related to watching US programming more often during an average month [r (N = 476) = .25, p < .0001)]. Overall, respondents reported they spend an average of about three hours a week watching US programs. Those who watch at least some US programs report that they spend, on average, 37.5% of their total viewing watching US television programs.

Generally males watch more television overall than females (199 minutes per day vs. 176 for females) [F (1, 484) = 6.11, p < .014]. However, males spend 60% of their TV time watching Greek shows, while females spend 53.7% of their time doing the same [F (1, 434) = 8, p < .005].

As expected, males and females differ significantly in terms of the shows they watch. Students were asked to list two shows they make an effort to watch on a weekly basis. Females are more likely to watch such shows as "Beverly Hills 90210," "Dr. Quinn: Medicine Woman," "Melrose Place," the Greek show "Lampsi" (a telenovela), and other Greek social drama series. Males, on the other hand, are more likely to watch sports programs and weekly music programs [X2 (11, N = 836) = 188, p < .0001]. Males and females do not differ in their viewing of news & information programs, movies on TV, talk shows, and Greek situation comedies.

In terms of which US programs they watch. Males watch more, such programs as, "NBA basketball," "Married with Children," and crime/adventure programs, while females watch the shows listed above and US soap operas [X2 (17, N = 348) = 90, p < .0001]. "Beverly Hills 90210" is the most popular program overall (including Greek shows), as 8% of all students make an effort to watch it each week, while sports programs come in second.

Generally the students were divided as to whether US programs accurately portray real life in the United States„38% felt they generally do, 33% had no opinion, and 29% said US programs generally do not portray accurately life in the United States. In terms of the perceived realism of Greek shows, 54% felt Greek programs are generally accurate in their portrayal of life in Greece, 18% had no opinion, and 28% felt that shows do not accurately portray Greek life. On the question why they watch, 57.3% of the respondents replied that they watch because they like a particular program, 13.4% watch as a way to relax, and 29.3% watch because there is nothing better to do.

Most students report that they rarely read a daily newspaper (56%), but over half (50.8%) read at least one magazine per week. In addition, students spend, on the average, 2 hours and 10 minutes per day listening to radio.

Differences Between the Sexes

In responding to relevant statements, on a five-point scale, students tend to hold a less traditional view of societal sex roles, with one exception: Males do not agree that women should be drafted by the military, as men are now; and males do not generally support the womenÍs movement in Greece. Four of the statements (men are more motivated to succeed than women; marriage is more successful when women stay home; women are happier when at home taking care of children; and women have equal opportunities in jobs but they are not as interested) correlated highly and were combined into a single variable of "traditional womenÍs roles" (CronbachÍs alpha = .70). Males and females differ significantly in their beliefs about sex roles related to this variable [F (1, 491) = 193, p < .0001].

Other, more specific, statements were put to the students about their perceptions of gender roles. For the most part male and female students differed significantly in their responses, with females holding the less traditional views (see Table 1). The only statements on which the two groups seem not to differ is that "men and women should retire at the same age as men" (presently women can retire on the average five years earlier than men).

Perceptions of Sex Roles

In comparing light TV viewers (those averaging less than 3 hours per day) to heavy TV viewers (those averaging at least 3 hours per day), heavy viewers of television hold significantly more sexists views on "traditional womenÍs roles" [F (1, 477) = 19.5, p < .0001]. Similarly, regarding the statement "men should help more at home," light viewers tend to agree significantly more than heavy viewers [F (1, 481) = 7.43, p < .01].

There is also a significant relationship between light viewing and the tendency to accept that women could have as many pre-marital affairs as men [F (1, 481) = 5.12, p < .03]. On the issue of sex discrimination against women in Greek society, light viewers believe discrimination exists more than do heavy TV viewers [F (1, 478) = 4.2, p < .05]. Similarly, when asked to respond to a statement on whether they support the womenÍs movement, light viewers are significantly more supportive than heavy viewers [F (1, 484) = 4.7, p < .04]. These findings above indicate that overall, heavy viewers of television hold a more traditional view of sex roles in Greek society.

Table 1: Male and Female Beliefs About Societal Sex Roles

Statement*	male mean	female mean	F
(support) traditional womenÍs roles	2.46	3.28	193.0 a
men should do more home chores	2.75	1.68	158.0 a
women should be drafted as men	3.15	2.87	6.7b
same retirement age for both sexes	2.50	2.59	.7c
society discriminates against women	2.99	2.45	32.0 a
women could have same number of extramarital affairs as men	2.65	2.01	38.4 a
I support the womenÍs movement in Greece	3.43	2.89	15.5 a
working moms are as good mothers as are housewives	3.00	2.35	37.3 a
fathers can care for children as well as mothers	2.48	2.89	15.5 a

*on a 5-point scale, strongly agree to strongly disagree ap < .001; bp < .01; cp > .05

Table 2: Significant Predictors of Support for Traditional WomenÍs Roles

"Support of traditional womenÍs roles"
Variable (direction)	beta	adj. R2	t	p<
Sex (males)	.424	.31	6.17	.001
Watch sports TV programs (more viewing)	-.234	.05	-3.36	.001
Watch movies on TV (more viewing)	-.179	.02	-3.99	.003
FatherÍs political beliefs (conservative)	.134	.01	2.30 .03

Total adjusted R2 .39

Viewers of US television programs were also divided into light viewers (up to three hours per week) and heavy viewers (over three hours per week). An analysis of variance test finds no difference between light and heavy viewers of US television in terms of the variable "support traditional womenÍs roles." However, on the statement that "men should help more at home," heavy viewers of US television programs agree significantly more than light viewers of US programs [F (1, 463) = 5.74, p < .02]. Heavy viewers of US programs are also significantly more supportive of the statement that women working outside the home are just as good mothers as are housewives [F (1, 465) = 5, p < .03]. As such, these results indicate that on some issues, heavy viewers of US television programs hold a less traditional view of sex roles.

Nevertheless, most of the above relationships disappear once the variable of sex is taken into account. Overall, heavy viewersÍ support of "traditional womenÍs roles" is only true for females [F (1, 280) = 11.4, p < .001], while the relationship between light viewing and the belief that it is acceptable for women to have as many pre-marital affairs is only true for males [F (1, 196) = 7, p < .01].

Furthermore, the connection between light viewing and the belief that men should do more housework is only true with females [F (1, 278) = 14.9, p < .0001]. On the same issue, only male heavy US television viewers tend to significantly agree more than light US TV viewers [F (1, 192) = 3.9, p < .05]. As such, hypothesis one, which states that heavy TV viewers hold a more traditional view of sex roles in Greek society, is partially supported. Similarly, there is even less support for hypotheses two, which states that heavy viewers of US television programs will tend to hold a less traditional view of sex roles in Greek society. For both hypotheses, support is found only on some issues, and then for either one sex or the other.

Table 3: Significant Predictors of Support of Equality in the Military and in Retirement

"Women should be drafted in the military just as men"
Variable (direction)	beta	adj. R2	t	p<
Sex (females)	-.167	.023	-2.42	.02
City of residence (small city)	.312	.113	4.5	.001
Total adjusted R2	.136
"There should be same retirement age for both sexes"
Variable (direction)	beta	adj. R2	t	p<
Hours of private tutoring (less tutoring)	.15	.018	2.11	.037
Watch sports TV programs* (less viewing)	.156	.019	2.18	.03
Total adjusted R2	.037

* in minutes per week

To test the other hypotheses, which would actually test the criticisms or refinements of the traditional cultivation hypothesis, a regression analysis was utilized. Independent variables were gross amount of television viewing; amount of viewing US programs; amount of viewing various genres, from news and information programs to game shows; and the variables of perceived realism and motivation to watch. Other independent variables include other media consumption and demographic variables. Overall the most common predictor was sex. In fact sex was the main predictor of all the variables except one: Fathers can care for children as well as mothers.

Examining the variable of "support of traditional womenÍs roles," four predictor variables (sex, watching TV sports, watching movies on TV, and fatherÍs politics) accounted for 39 percent of the variance (see Table 2).

Table 3 outlines predictor variables for two other beliefs about sex roles concerning strict equality in retirement and military service. No consistent predictors are found for these two statements. Besides sex, only one relevant predictor variable appears with regard to equality in retirement age: less TV sports viewing is a predictor for the support of equality.

Table 4 includes variables dealing with statements about men. Close to 33 percent of the variance of the statement "men should do more house work" is accounted by sex, watching movies on television, and family size. Generally, less viewing of movies on television seems to be related to the less traditional view. Similarly, less viewing of movies on TV is related to less traditional views on the issue of men as qualified to take care of the children. Although only 7.3% of the variance is accounted, other significant predictors are frequency of reading magazines and newspapers.

Table 5 outlines predictor variables for beliefs about support of the womenÍs movement and societal discrimination against women. Although sex is a predictor for both views, amount of television viewing is also a significant predictor for the issue of discrimination. Here, more viewing is related to a more traditional belief, although more viewing of game shows is related to the opposite in terms of both issues.

Table 4: Significant Predictors of Support of MenÍs Roles

"Men should do more household chores"
Variable (direction)	beta	adj. R2	t	p<
Sex (females)	-.51	.28	-8.38	.001
Watch movies on TV (less viewing)	.16	.029	2.63	.01
Family size (larger families)	.159	.02	2.65	.01
Total adjusted R2	.329
"Fathers can care for children as well as mothers"
Variable (direction)	beta	adj. R2	t	p<
Freq. of newspaper reading (more reading)	.224	.036	3.0	.003
frequency of magazine reading (more reading)	.163	.019	2.3	.022
Watching movies on TV (less viewing)	.156	.018	2.1	.033
Total adjusted R2	.073

Finally, views regarding working women and the acceptance of women to have as many pre-marital affairs as men, are about equally predicted (See Table 6). In terms of the belief that working mothers are as good as those who work at home, once again, heavier viewing of movies on TV is related to a more traditional view. On the other hand, more frequent viewing of US shows is related to a less traditional view. In terms of the view of pre-marital affairs by women, besides sex, more frequent reading of newspapers and magazines seems to be related to a less traditional view. table 5: significant predictors of support of womenýs rights<>