Who can vote?

To be able to vote in a UK Parliamentary election, you must be:

        Aged 18 or over,
        A citizen of the UK, a Commonwealth country or the Republic of Ireland,
        Resident in a constituency and on the electoral register, and
        Not in a category barred from voting (see below).
 
In addition, British citizens who have lived abroad for up to 20 years may vote, and voters in Northern Ireland must have lived in the constituency for the previous three months. In all, more than 44 million people meet these criteria.

Barred from voting

There are certain categories of people not allowed to vote:

Members of the House of Lords. The ejection of most hereditary peers from the Lords in1999 means that they will be able to vote - and stand -- for the first time in a general election.

          People convicted of electoral malpractice are barred for five years.

Echoing the rather arcane language of the legislation, "idiots" may not vote and "lunatics" only during their lucid periods. Those compulsorily detained in psychiatric hospitals, for example, cannot vote.

The electoral register

Traditionally, the register was compiled annually for each constituency by the local electoral registration officer. Employed by the local authority, he or she sent out forms to every household, asking the names of eligible voters who would be resident on the qualifying date - 10 October in Britain, 15 September in Northern Ireland. This was published on 16 February each year, and remained in force until 15 February the following year. It was, therefore, already four months out of date when it was published -- and 16 months out of date by the end of its life. In order to address these inefficiencies, the Representation of the People Act 2000 introduced some significant changes to the way the electoral register operates. The one published on 16 February 2001 becomes the baseline for a "rolling register" which allows people to be added to and deleted from the electoral register throughout the year - rather than basing registration on residence on a single annual qualifying date. If the general election is held on 3 May 2001, for example, any changes or applications to register received by electoral registration officers up to 12 March should be accepted under these new arrangements. The changes also allow mental patients who are not detained offenders, homeless people, and those remanded in custody to register as electors.

How to vote

If you meet the requirements to be a voter, the electoral returning officer will send you an official polling card about a week before the election. This contains your name, address, electoral registration number, date of voting and the address of your polling station. Voting in the UK is not compulsory, as it is in some countries. In addition, you do not have to vote in person - see Postal and proxy voting. Assuming you do wish to vote in person, you do not have to take the card with you on election day but it speeds up the process. The 45,000 polling stations in the UK are open from 0700 until 2200. When you arrive, you show your card to one of the clerks -- if you do not have it then you will be looked up on the electoral register.

Not quite secret ballot

Your name will then be crossed off and the clerk will give you a ballot paper stamped with an official mark. It also contains a serial number, which means that your vote is not in fact completely secret as it is possible, though illegal, to trace all votes to the people who cast them. The purpose of the serial number is to stop impersonation of voters and electoral fraud. The ballot paper lists all the candidates in alphabetical order of family name.

What's on the ballot paper?

Candidates belonging to parties registered with the Electoral Commission also have their official party description and - a new development since 1997 - a party logo. Other candidates must describe themselves as Independent or leave the box beside their name blank. There is an exception for the speaker of the House of Commons, who is allowed to use "speaker seeking re-election" as a description. In addition, each polling station must now be equipped with a special device that creates a ballot paper for use by visually impaired voters.

X marks the spot

You take the paper into a secret polling booth and cast your vote by marking an X against the candidate for whom you wish to vote. In a UK parliamentary election, you can only vote for one candidate. Making any mark other than an X might mean your vote is not counted and people who make a mistake should ask for a fresh ballot paper. When you have finished, you fold the paper and show the official stamp to the presiding officer before placing it in the ballot box. The votes from each polling station remain in their boxes until voting ends. They are then taken t o a central location in each constituency and counted. Representatives of the parties usually wait outside polling stations and ask people for their polling number. The parties can then use this information to make sure that their known supporters have actually voted - if not, they can be reminded.

Postal and proxy voting

Not everyone will be able to get to their polling station on election day, 7 June. Others want to vote, but simply do not want the trouble of going out to do so. These groups are catered for by absentee ballots - either postal or proxy voting, provided they get their application in by Wednesday 30 May. The rules governing postal votes have been steadily relaxed over the years.

Postal votes on demand

Decades ago, many applications for such votes required the supporting signature of a GP [doctor], registered nurse or magistrate. To be allowed a postal vote, people had to fall into certain categories, such as being a member of the armed services overseas, working away from home or long-term sick. However, the Representation of the People Act 2000 effectively allowed postal votes on demand. Any elector can request a postal vote for either a particular or an indefinite period, or for a particular election only. Applications are made to local electoral returning officers and postal votes can now be handed in at any polling station in the constituency on election day. The act also requires postal votes to be sent overseas if requested by an elector who happens to be abroad during the election. In the past four general elections, the number of postal votes has varied between 620,000 and nearly 800,000, representing between 2.0% and 2.4% of the votes cast.

Proxy voting little used

Proxy voting is when an elector nominates someone else to vote on his or her behalf. The number of people doing so, however, is far fewer than those voting by post. One specific category of people entitled to proxy votes is expatriates. Since 1989, any British citizen who left in the last 20 years is allowed a proxy, to be cast in the constituency in which they were last registered. Those expatriates who have become 18 after leaving the UK are also entitled to a proxy vote -- in the constituency where they used to live, or where their parent or guardian was last registered. As a result of the 1989 legislation the estimated number of Britons living abroad who were eligible to register their vote rose to 2 million. Few have bothered to do so -- the number declining from 34,000 in 1991 to under 11,000 in 2000.

First past the post

The electoral system used for UK general elections is commonly known as first past the post. More formally, this is the single member constituency with simple majority system. In essence, it means that to become a Member of Parliament, all a candidate has to do is to gain more votes than any rival in that constituency. There is no requirement for a candidate to win a majority of the votes cast, which is the case in some electoral systems.

Simple majority

For parliamentary elections, the UK is divided up into 659 constituencies - 18 in Northern Ireland, 40 in Wales, 72 in Scotland and 529 in England. Each constituency elects a single MP, and each voter casts a single ballot. The votes are added up and the candidate with the highest total -- a simple majority -- is declared the winner. Most candidates represent parties, and the party with the most MPs generally forms the new government.

Strengths of the system

Factors in favour of the first past the post system include:

Simplicity. Voters have a simple task -- mark a cross in a single box. This means less chance of confusion compared with votes where more than one candidate is elected per constituency, or where candidates have to be ranked in order.

Speed. The result in each constituency -- and therefore the national result -- is known quickly.

MP-voters link. Each MP represents a precise geographical area. If a constituent wishes to contact an MP about a problem, they know to whom to turn. This link is weaker in systems where MPs come from a national list.

Decisive results. First past the post elections usually -- though not always - produce clear majorities for one party or another. This means few coalitions, which can give minority parties excessive influence compared with their support.

Weaknesses of the system

No electoral system is perfect and those opposed to first past the post point out the following weaknesses:

No individual mandate. MPs are often elected without an overall majority of all votes cast. This means that most of the voters they are employed to represent do not actually want them.

Second-place blues. Parties which come second or third consistently tend to win large numbers of votes but few seats, meaning smaller parties are under-represented in the House of Commons. In 1992, the Liberal Democrats won 18% of the votes and 3% of the seats.

No government mandate. It is possible for a party to win most seats with not only a minority of the votes, but fewer votes than one of its rivals. This happened in 1951 and February 1974.

Wasted votes. Because of their electoral make-up, some seats are so "safe" for one party that supporters of any other group have only a meaningless vote. In 1997, 82.9% of voters in the Bootle constituency supported Labour. Tory and Liberal Democrat voters there might feel their vote counts for little as any swing would have to be of epic proportions to change the seat's ownership. In addition, this "disenfranchisement" can be seen to apply to whole areas or even nations. Nearly 500,000 people voted Conservative in Scotland in 1997 but no Tory MPs were elected. In contrast, 365,000 people voted Liberal Democrat and were rewarded with 10 MPs -- fewer votes, but greater success.
 

Different systems for different polls

When in opposition in the 1980s and 1990s, Labour explored electoral reform and set up its own working party, chaired by the academic Raymond (now Lord) Plant, to look at the options, including various systems of proportional representation. The Plant commission's report in 1993 led to different methods being employed at different elections once Labour came to power. Elections to the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly use the Additional Member System. This involves most of the representatives being elected via first past the post with a "top-up" vote rewarding parties that win many votes but fail to win seats. In the European elections, voters in England, Scotland and Wales use a closed list system under which votes are cast for a party and the victorious candidates come from a pre-ordered party list. Northern Ireland employs the single transferable vote system in multi-member constituencies for both the European and Northern Ireland Assembly elections. Voters rank the candidates in order of preference and votes from candidates eliminated are transferred to second then third preferences, and so on.

Election timetable

The timetable below shows the statutory timetable as defined in legislation, beginning with the dissolution of the old parliament by royal proclamation and ending with polling day. Note that weekends and certain public days are not counted in the cycle between Day 0 and Day 17 [for an anticipated May 3 election, subsequently delayed to June 7 because of the foot-and-mouth disease crisis]:

Thu 5 Apr Royal proclamation, issue of electoral writs

Fri 6 Apr Receipt of writs by returning officers

Sat 7 Apr

Sun 8 Apr

Mon 9 Apr

Tue 10 Apr Notice of election published

Wed 11 Apr Earliest day for nominations

Thu 12 Apr Maundy Thursday

Fri 13 Apr Good Friday

Sat 14 Apr Easter Sat

Sun 15 Apr Easter Sun

Mon 16 Apr Easter Mon

Tue 17 Apr

Wed 18 Apr Last day for nominations

Thu 19 Apr

Fri 20 Apr

Sat 21 Apr

Sun 22 Apr

Mon 23 Apr

Tue 24 Apr

Wed 25 Apr Last day for receipt of applications for absentee votes

Thu 26 Apr

Fri 27 Apr

Sat 28 Apr

Sun 29 Apr

Mon 30 Apr

Tue 1 May

Wed 2 May

Thu 3 May Polling Day

The count

The UK's 45,000 polling stations close at 2200 on election day. The ballot boxes in each constituency are then sealed and taken to a central location such as a town hall or leisure centre. Counting does not have to take place overnight but the returning officer has a duty to make arrangements "as soon as practicable after the close of poll", and in practice the vast majority of counts begin immediately. In 1997, 629 of the 659 seats were counted overnight compared to 597 in 1992. This year the Yorkshire constituency of Richmond will count overnight, having not done so in 1997. This is because it is the seat where Tory leader William Hague stands and there will be huge media interest this time compared with 1992 when he was Welsh Secretary.

The count begins

The ballot papers are counted by teams of specially recruited people -- normally local government staff and people used to handling large numbers of paper items such as bank workers. First, they count the number of papers in each ballot box to make sure it tallies with the record of those issued. Once that is completed satisfactorily, the tellers separate out the votes for each candidate and bundle them into groups of 50. These are then added to get the final result. While the counting is going on, it is monitored by the candidates and their representatives to ensure fair play. It is also possible for the parties to get an early indication of how they are doing by comparing the figures from key wards with the same ballot boxes in previous elections.

Spoiled ballots

Every count contains ballot papers that are disallowed. This can happen for the following reasons:

            No official mark,
            Voting for more than one candidate,
            Writing or marks by which the voter can be identified,
            Containing no mark, or
            Containing marks that make the voter's intention uncertain.

In cases of doubt, the returning officer makes a decision in the presence of the candidates or their agents. The officer's decision is final but can be challenged by an election petition.

Challenge and rejection

This happened in 1997 in Winchester, where the Liberal Democrat Mark Oaten defeated his Tory rival, Gerry Malone, by just two votes. Mr Malone felt that 55 ballot papers in his favour had been incorrectly ruled as spoiled because there was no official mark. He went to court and a by-election was ordered. But while the courts ruled in Mr Malone's favour, the voters of Winchester took a rather different view - this time electing Mr Oaten by the massively increased margin of 21,556. The number of spoiled papers tends to rise when more than one type of election is held on the same day. In 1997, local elections were held on the same day in many constituencies and 93,048 papers were rejected, more than double the total in 1992. The same happened in 1979 when 117,848 ballot papers were spoiled.

Recounts

When the count is complete, the returning officer discusses the results with the candidates or their agents. If the result is close, or if a candidate falls just short of the 5% necessary to save their deposit, then a recount can be requested. The decision on whether to allow one is made by the returning officer. Recounts usually start by counting the bundles of 50 votes, but candidates can request that individual bundles be checked to make sure none has been allocated incorrectly. In the case of very close results, a complete recount can be ordered. There is no formal limit to the number of recounts, but if the same result keeps coming up then the returning officer is likely to rule that further requests are unreasonable.

Tied results impossible

There has never been a tie in a UK general election and there never will be. Since 1945, the smallest margin recorded is two in the case of Winchester above. Prior to 1997, the closest results were in the Conservative victory in Peterborough in 1966 and Labour's win in Carmarthen which in February 1974 -- both by three votes. In the unlikely event that recounts have failed to separate the two or more leading candidates, the returning officer is required by law to settle the matter immediately. He or she can use any random method such as tossing a coin, but the recommended way is to ask each candidate to write their name on a blank slip of paper and place it in a container. The returning officer then pulls out one of the slips and allocates one extra vote to that candidate, making them the winner by a single vote.

Race to declare

Once the votes have been counted and the candidates have declared themselves satisfied with the procedure, the returning officer must announce the result without delay. In fact, some constituencies race to be the first to declare -- winning themselves public attention in the process. Sunderland South has been first to declare in the last two elections -- after just 46 minutes in 1997 -- with Torbay, Guildford and Reigate usually well to the front in the past 30 years or so. The returning officer announces the total number of votes cast, and the number for each candidate. They end with the words "I hereby declare that (candidate name) is elected to serve as Member of Parliament for the constituency of...." The victorious candidate then makes a speech -- followed by his or her rivals -- in which traditionally they thank their party workers and say how proud they are to represent the electorate.

What the electoral commission does (by Electoral Commission chairman Sam Younger)

The Electoral Commission was established on 30 November 2000 by the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act. It is an independent body responsible directly to parliament rather than to any government ministry. Its plan, budget and its annual report are submitted to a newly established Speaker's committee and laid before parliament.

Scrutiny  - the commission is subject to regular scrutiny by the National Audit Office and has a number of functions. The one with most immediate effect in relation to a general election is its regulatory role:

Registration - all parties wishing to contest elections at European, national or local level are required to register with the commission, in order to ensure clear financial accountabilities and to protect a registered party's name and emblems. In order to register, all parties must nominate a treasurer as well as officers with responsibility for any "accounting units" -- for example constituency associations or party-affiliated organisations. Only the name of a registered party can appear on a ballot paper, otherwise only the description "independent" is allowable. There is also a register of third parties. These are organisations -- for instance trade unions - or individuals who wish to support a party, a group of candidates or a particular policy position at an election. Only if registered can a third party spend more than £10,000 in an election campaign.

Donations - any donation of more than £200 to a political party must be recorded and the party must satisfy itself that such donations have come from a "permissible donor." Permissible donors are individuals who are on the UK electoral register, or organisations registered in the UK or EU-registered and carrying out business in the UK. Donations cannot be accepted from impermissible or anonymous donors. All donations of over £5,000 in a year to a party, or of £1,000 to an accounting unit, must be reported in a quarterly return to the Electoral Commission, which will be made available for public inspection. The return must state the amount of each donation and the name of the donor. In addition, during an election campaign donation reports must be submitted to the commission on a weekly basis. ontrols also apply to "regulated donees" - that is: members of parties, members' associations and holders of elected office. Donations of over £1,000 to individuals must be reported, as well as donations of over £5,000 to members' associations. For a period of four years parliament has voted to exempt individuals and organisations in Northern Ireland from the controls.

Campaign spending - spending by individual candidates has been subject to strict limits for many years. Now national campaign spending by parties is also subject to limits. The controls apply for 365 days before an election and the limit is just under £20million for parties contesting every seat at a general election. The controls became effective on 16 February 2001, and a lower limit has been set in the event that a general election is held in less than 365 days. For a general election held before 16 May the limit for a party contesting all seats is just under £15m. Audited expenditure returns have to be submitted to the Electoral Commission no later than six months after the election date. These will be made publicly available.

The commission also has a significant modernising role in relation to electoral law and practice.

Conduct report. It will report on the conduct of each election and will use these reports to set an agenda for improvement in electoral arrangements. The commission will also, in partnership with the local authorities and their electoral administrators, pursue the programme of piloting new arrangements -- such as all-postal voting or electronic voting -- that began at the local government elections in 2000.

Voter education. The commission will have responsibilities also in the area of voter education, a top priority in the light of the decline in recent years in voter turnout. A programme of voter education will be developed during 2001, and among the first priorities will be taking over from the Home Office the responsibility for encouraging voter registration.

Referendum role. Other key responsibilities of the commission will include referendums and boundaries. The commission will be responsible for the conduct of any future referendums and must be consulted on any referendum question. In 2002 the commission will take responsibility for the review of local government boundaries in England, through merger with the Local Government Commission for England, and will in the longer term take over responsibility for the review of parliamentary boundaries across the UK.

The Electoral Commission is based in London. By the end of 2001 we plan also to open offices in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast.

Who can be a candidate?

There is no single document or law which defines who can stand for election as Member of Parliament. Essentially, however, candidates must be over the age of 21 and be citizens of the UK, the Republic of Ireland or the Commonwealth. The lack of clarity extends even to the qualifying age -- it is not set down whether candidates have to be 21 by the date the election is called, or close of nominations, or polling day itself. Those banned from becoming MPs include:

            Members of the House of Lords,
            Undischarged bankrupts,
            Seriously mentally ill people,
            Prisoners serving sentences of more than one year,
            Those guilty of electoral malpractice in the last 5-10 years,
            Traitors -- i.e., those guilty of treason and not pardoned,
            Certain people holding offices of profit under the Crown (including holders of judicial office, civil servants,
                        members of the armed forces, or the police forces, members of the legislature of any country or
                        territory outside the Commonwealth, Government-nominated directors of commercial companies).
            Clergy of the Church of England, the Church of Scotland, the Church of Ireland and the Roman Catholic Church.

The clergy ban will be in force unless the Removal of Clergy Disqualification Bill receives the royal assent before parliament is prorogued. The bill removes the ban on all past and current clergy standing, unless they are also members of the House of Lords.

Spreading your chances

A candidate can stand in more than one constituency. The late Lord Sutch of the Monster Raving Loony Party stood in three seats in 1992, losing his deposit in all of them. More successfully, Charles Stewart Parnell was elected in 1880 in three constituencies in Ireland, then part of the UK. In the event of being victorious in more than one seat, a candidate has one week to decide which one to represent.

Now you elect him, now you don't

While some categories of people might definitely be banned from becoming MPs, there is nothing to stop them from standing and campaigning actively, and nothing to stop the voters casting a majority of the ballots for them. If the electors are not aware of a candidate's ineligibility, he or she will be disqualified if victorious and a by-election ordered. If the electors are aware, however, then the second-placed candidate may be declared elected. This happened to Bristol South East Labour MP Tony Benn in 1960 when he succeeded to his father's title of Viscount Stansgate, which carried a hereditary seat in the House of Lords. Because no-one can sit in both houses, a by-election was called which Mr Benn duly 'won'. However, the Electoral Court ruled that the second-placed Conservative candidate be declared the new MP. This case ultimately led to a change in the law in 1963, allowing hereditary peers to give up their titles in order to sit in the Commons.

Party spending limits

Up to and including the 1997 general election there were no restrictions on spending by parties at national level and the richer parties obviously spent more. The Neill Committee calculated that in the 1997 election campaign, the Conservatives spent £28m, Labour £26m and the Liberal Democrats only £2.3m. However, the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 has introduced important changes to national campaign spending. This legislation imposes limits on spending by parties in the 12 months prior to a general election. On 30 January, 2001, Home Office minister Mike O'Brien announced that limits on campaign spending specified in the act would come into force on 16 February, 2001.

Transitional arrangements

The maximum amount a party may spend is determined by the number of constituencies it contests. Normally a party will be allowed £30,000 expenditure for every seat it fights, subject to a minimum threshold. So, if a party fights all 659 UK seats, the limit on its national campaign expenditure for the 365 days leading up to polling day would be £19.77m. However, the act includes transitional arrangements with lower limits that "will apply if he next general election is held less than 356 days after 16 February, 2001". Therefore, if the election were held within three months of 16 February -- up until 16 May -- the allocation per seat would be £22,500 rather than the full £30,000. On that basis, a party fighting all 659 UK seats would have a limit of £14.8m.

No party stood everywhere

In the 1997 election, the Conservatives fought 648 seats, Labour and the Liberal Democrats 639 each rather than the maximum 659. This was because none of them contested the Speaker's seat -- which though held by the originally-Labour Betty Boothroyd is meant to be politically neutral -- and only the Tories fought in Northern Ireland, contesting eight seats there. In addition neither Labour nor the Lib Dems stood in Tatton, withdrawing in favour of Independent Martin Bell.

Candidate selection

The way in which the three main political parties choose their candidates for a general election varies. The Conservatives work out a list of centrally approved candidates from which their local constituency membership can then choose. Would-be Tory MPs apply to Conservative Central Office's candidate department in the hope they will be included on the approved list. At that stage a selection procedure takes place involving a sift through the CVs of applicants. Hopefuls who pass that stage are then invited to a candidates weekend where they undergo an aptitude test that is "relevant" to those wishing to enter public office. Subject to further approval by staff from the candidates department and by some Conservative MPs, they are then placed on the official candidates list. Local Conservative Associations advertise to he people on the list if there is a vacancy for a candidate.

Sitting MPs are normally reselected automatically if they want to run again. Where there is a vacancy the association will inform Central Office and approved candidates will be told that a constituency is looking to select. Those wishing to apply for a seat will then send their CVs direct to the constituency. The association's executive then goes through all the applications and the prospective candidates are then invited for interview. The next stage involves the compilation of a shortlist of between three and five hopefuls. There follows a selection meeting which is open to every member of the local association in which all the candidates will speak and be subject to questioning. After that all members are entitled to vote and the successful person is adopted as the prospective parliamentary candidate. Once this has happened the local party will take a vote, and all members are allowed to vote on this issue. The one who get the majority of votes will be formally adopted as the Prospective Parliamentary Candidate.

Constituency Labour Parties (CLPs) chose candidates from an approved list or a candidate once chosen would have to undergo the approval procedure. Like the Tories, that involved vetting the would-be candidates. Constituency wards and affiliates, such as trade unions, could nominate two candidates although the wards had to nominate both a man and a woman. The general council of the constituency then made the shortlist which was circulated to the local membership who could vote via postal ballot or on a hustings meetings which resulted in the selection. After January 31, because of the time taken in the full selection procedure, a quicker system came into force. That allowed a CLP that needed a candidate - often because an MP decided to retire at the last minute -- to get one quickly by voting on a centrally approved Labour Party shortlist. The shortlist is compiled by the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party.

The Liberal Democrats have a central approved list which hopefuls can apply to get on. Where constituencies have a vacancy they can advertise in Liberal Democrat News and would-be candidates apply. A selection committee chooses a shortlist which then goes before the constituency party membership. Party members can also vote for their prospective candidate by post. If a constituency has yet to select a candidate then the regional office of the party may get involved to negotiate to secure a suitable person to run.

Rules for candidates

To stand for parliament, candidates must do two things -- they must be officially nominated and they must hand over a deposit. The nomination papers must be signed by 10 registered voters from the constituency, two of whom must formally propose and second the candidate. The remaining eight merely express their assent. The papers must be delivered to the constituency's returning officer between the fourth and sixth working days after the official writs announcing the election have been published. Candidates must pay a £500 deposit Candidates must also give the returning officer their full name and address -- which need not be in the constituency. Those belonging to registered parties are also allowed an official description of their party to go on the ballot paper.

The deposit

Candidates have to deposit £500 with the returning officer. This is returned to them if they gain 5% of the votes cast. The purpose of the deposit is to deter frivolous candidates. This system was first introduced in 1918 when the deposit was £150 - about £4,500 at today's values -- and the share of the vote to save it was 12.5%. Those figures remained unchanged until 1985 when the current figures were introduced.

Controlled expenditure

In order to try to stop individual candidates trying to 'buy' an election by spending vast sums of money, there are strict controls on what they may spend. Up to the 1997 general election, there was no limit to the amount parties could spend nationally, but that has now changed -- see Party spending limits. In 1997, the maximum expense which could be incurred by a candidate or their agent was £4,965 plus 5.6p for every voter on the electoral roll in county [rural] constituencies and 4.2p per voter in borough [non-rural] constituencies. The different amount represents the extra costs involved in publicising a candidate in the larger area. Some types of expenditure are prohibited altogether, such as paying people to canvass - all canvassing must be by unpaid volunteers. The maximum figure does not include a candidate's personal expenditure such as their own transport and accommodation. Most election expenses -- nearly 80% in 1997 - go on printing and stationery. In addition, candidates have a free Post Office delivery of their election address to every home in the constituency and free use of rooms in public buildings for their election meetings.

Media coverage

Election coverage in the UK has traditionally been split down the middle. While the printed press has had more or less a free hand to take a line in favour of one political party, broadcast journalists are subject to all kinds of rules to ensure unbiased reporting. This is possibly reflected in how members of the public perceive election news. A poll conducted in 1997 found that 62-63% thought that BBC and ITN could be trusted to tell the truth about the election a great deal or fair amount of the time. Some 32% said a little or not at all. On the other hand, only 37% of people thought that their own daily paper was trustworthy a great deal or fair amount of time, and 52% said a little or not at all.

Tory-leaning press?

In recent years, the bulk of the printed media has been pro-Conservative. In particular, all the tabloid papers, save The Mirror, were usually very supportive of the sitting Conservative administrations - particularly up until September 1992. But by 1997, many traditionally Tory papers, like The Sun, decided to back New Labour. Some papers have traditional links with a particular strain of political thought such as conservatism. The Daily Telegraph is widely regarded a Tory paper, as is the Daily Mail. The Express, which was probably most supportive of any daily of the Major administration, has since switched to a largely pro-Labour stance. The Mirror and The Guardian have traditionally supported the left of the political spectrum -- usually Labour. Broadcasters on the other hand are obliged to ensure that all the main political parties have a fair hearing. The BBC has its own very rigorous guidelines to which its journalists must adhere.

Fair broadcasts

During an election campaign candidates can be filmed electioneering, but journalists have to be sure any event they report is not staged purely for media coverage. In other words it is acceptable to report on the way local parties are conducting their campaigns, but not be a vehicle for their publicity stunts. Similarly, any reporting of one party must be matched by proportional coverage of another over the campaign period. The BBC aims to be impartial in its reporting at all times but there is never more need than during an election.

Election rules

On the day of the actual election the BBC and other broadcasters will cease to report the campaign from 0600 until close of poll. But they can report facts like voter turnout, the weather and politicians appearing at polling stations. There is also a raft of legislation to which broadcasters are subject. Election rules cut in during what is termed the pending period. The pending period varies depending on the type of election but in a general election it is from when the Queen announces the intention to dissolve parliament or, if an announcement is not made, then from when parliament is actually dissolved.

General discussion

Candidates can participate in general discussion programmes so long as these do not relate specifically to issues that have a particular bearing on their constituencies. Non-BBC roadcasters such as ITV and Channel 4 are also subject to legislation such as the Representation of the People Act. In addition they have the Independent Television Commission (ITC) codes to abide by. Under the Broadcasting Act 1990 the ITC has a statutory obligation to draw up a code to give guidance over issues of impartiality -- these apply to general coverage and there are also guidelines for elections.

Party election broadcasts

Unlike countries such as the United States, parties and candidates in the United Kingdom are forbidden to buy advertising time on television or radio. Instead, parties are allocated party election broadcasts (PEBs) throughout the campaign period. The number of broadcasts allowed to a party depends on two factors - the number of candidates it fields in the election and its

share of the vote in the previous election. In the 1997 election, for example, the Conservative, Labour, Lib Dem allocations were respectively 5 : 5 : 4. The Referendum Party also fielded enough candidates to justify a broadcast. The Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru were allocated broadcasts on Scottish and Welsh television respectively. All the main parties were also allocated radio broadcasts. The production and content of party election broadcasts rests entirely with the parties themselves though they are required to observe certain guidelines. The ground rules laid down by the BBC and the Independent Telvision Commission, include obligations to observe the law, for example on libel, incitement to racial hatred and violence and to the broadcasters' own guidelines on taste and decency. On radio, the Radio Authority's code of practice is observed.

There is no area of broadcasting where the BBC's commitment to impartiality is more closely scrutinised than in reporting election campaigns. Election 2001 will present us with a number of specific new challenges:

Devolution has changed the political map of the UK. We are effectively dealing with 3 main parties in England, and a different combination of 4 main parties in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. In addition minor parties, have had significant electoral successes under PR elections which have taken place since 1997.

This will be the first full Online election.

The abolition of Section 93 of the RPA will enable programme makers to make far more extensive use of candidates and we will have new guidelines to ensure fairness particularly in constituency reports.

These guidance notes supplement Chapters 2 and 34 of the Producers' Guidelines and have been drawn up following extensive consultation with a wide range of BBC programme makers across the UK who will have to make them work in practice. They are intended to offer a framework within which journalists can operate in as free and creative an environment as possible, whilst scrupulously delivering to audiences impartial reporting of the campaign which gives them fair coverage and rigorous scrutiny of the policies and campaigns of all parties.

This guidance is intended to assist programme makers, editors and the BBC as a whole to achieve fairness. They apply to all BBC programmes and outlets. Programmes which do not usually cover political subjects or normally invite politicians to participate should consult the Chief Political Adviser before finalising any plans to do so.

1. Achieving Balance

Daily News magazine programmes (in the nations, regions and UK wide) must achieve an appropriate and fair balance in coverage of the main parties in the course of each week of the campaign. As a working shorthand for the General Election Campaign we will take the main parties in England to be Labour, Conservative, Liberal Democrats; In Scotland these three plus the SNP, in Wales these three plus Plaid Cymru; in Northern Ireland the Ulster Unionists, the SDLP, the DUP and Sinn Fein. Network programmes must ensure that SNP and/or Plaid Cymru are featured in a fair proportion of items on subjects on which they have distinctive policies. See also Section 5 on devolution. This means that each strand (e.g. a drive time show on radio) is responsible for reaching its own targets within the week and cannot rely on other outlets at different times of day (e.g. the breakfast show) to do so for it. Single programmes should avoid individual editions getting badly out of kilter. There may be days when inevitably one party dominates the news agenda e.g. when the main party manifestos are launched, but in that case care must be taken to ensure that coverage of similar prominence and duration is given to the other manifesto launches on the relevant days. Every edition of the multi-item programmes which cover the campaign e.g. the Regional 6.30 - 7.00 slot, should refer in at least one item to each of the main parties. News 24 and television and radio summaries will divide the 24 hour day into blocks and aim to achieve balance across a week in each one. Weekly programmes, or running series within daily sequence programmes, which focus on one party or another should trail both forwards and backwards so that it is clear to the audience that balance is built in over time. Particular care should be taken over coverage of high profile issues like Europe where there is a multi-faceted debate within and between the parties to ensure a balance of views is maintained.

2. Minor Parties

Minor parties embrace a wide range, from parties which have elected representatives in the European Parliament, the Scottish Parliament, the Northern Ireland Assembly, to those who have not stood before, or who have stood many times with little electoral success. Relevant factors to take into account in deciding how much coverage a party should get are significant levels of previous electoral support, evidence of current support and the number of candidates being fielded. The following guidance is aimed at ensuring minimum coverage for all those parties. It does not set a maximum. There may well be regional variations in the relative strength of the minor parties and this ought to be reflected in the coverage. The manifesto launch of all parties who are standing in at least one sixth of the seats UK wide should be covered on BBC1, BBC2, R1, R2, R4, R5Live, & News 24, in all summaries in the hours following the launch, and with some reference to content in the main news programmes which follow (e.g: the 1, 6, or 10 0n BBC1, WATO on R4, Drive on R5, the news belt on Newsnight on BBC2). BBC Parliament will also carry them. All daily news and current affairs network programmes should ensure that the policies of each of these parties are explained, and analysed, in at least ne substantial item during the course of the campaign. All regional programmes in England which report the election should cover the manifesto launch of all parties who are standing in more than one sixth of the constituencies in that region. There should be at least one other substantive item on each of these parties during the campaign. All Programme Strands in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland which report the election should cover the manifesto launch and do at least one other substantive item in the course of the campaign, on all parties standing in one sixth of the seats in those nations. They should also include a contribution from these parties in some items on those subjects on which they have distinctive policies. The audience will be referred, as appropriate to the full list of parties standing on Ceefax, BBC News Online and/or the national and city sites.