TOPIC #15 — THE EXERCISE OF JUDICIAL REVIEW:
FEDERALISM AND ECONOMIC REGULATION
Q1. In the decades following the establishment of the new federal government, what problems of constitutional interpretation do you think arose most frequently?
Q2. How has the focus of judicial review by the Supreme Court varied by subject matter over historical periods?
Three phases of Supreme Court activity
1800 – CW: Focus: The scope of national power, i.e., the boundary between delegated (federal) and reserved (state) powers
Decisions: The court generally interpreted the Constitution in ways favorable to the federal government
1875 – 1935 Focus: The power of government at any level to regulate economic life
Decisions: The Court generally restricted the economic powers of both the federal and state governments, in effect incorporating the economic doctrine of "laissez-faire" into the Constitution
1940-today Focus: Civil rights and liberties, i.e., the status of racial minorities (in particular African-Americans in the “Jim Crow”South) and the non-economic rights of individuals versus the authority
of government at any level
Decisions: Mixed, but generally more favorable to minorities and individual rights than in earlier periods
McCulloch v. Maryland (1819)
the "necessary and proper" clause (last clause of Art. I, Sec 8)
the “supremacy” clause (Art. VI)
Gibbons v. Ogden (1824)
"interstate commerce" clause (part of third clause of Art. I, Sec 8)
Hammer v. Dagenhart (1918): “interstate commerce” again
14th Amendment and “substantive due process” [Topic #19]
FDR’s New Deal: "court
packing" and the "switch in time”
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Question: [Note: this question was asked and the answer written on
March 30, 2001.] In Federalist 78, what is Hamilton talking about
when he says the following?
Answer: Suppose there were a number of terrorist bombings in the U.S.,
and that various members of Congress, talk-show hosts, columnists,
etc., blamed the bombings on (for example) Muslims in the U.S. In
the short run, this could stir up public passions and produce demands
that Muslims should rounded up and put into prison camps, deported from
the U.S., etc. But in the longer run, people would (probably) realize
that the bombings should not be blamed on Muslims generally (even if it
turned out that the bombers were Muslims), that the immediate public
reaction was unjust and, if carried into effect, would have deprived
many Muslims of basic rights, etc.
So here is what Hamilton is
saying about such a situation:
Judges, whose tenure in
office (“independence”) means they can make decisions independent of
public opinion (and also independent of Congress and the Executive),
can help preserve basic rights when “the influence of particular
conjunctures” (events, e.g., bombings, coming together), reinforced by
“the arts of designing men” (the members of Congress, talk-show hosts,
columnists, etc.) trying to stir up trouble, produce “ill humours” that
“disseminate among the people themselves” (intemperate demands to “lock
them up,” etc.). With “better information” and “more deliberate
reflection,” public opinion will quickly calm down [maybe Hamilton is a
bit over-optimistic here] but “in the meantime” (and in the absence of
independent judges) there might be “dangerous innovations in the
government” (e.g., violations of due process by putting people in
prison without trial) and “serious oppression of the minor party in the
community” (minority groups, e.g., Muslims).